Wednesday, December 27, 2006

Article in Chronicles

I have an article entiled "The Company Town," another Letter from the Upper Midwest, in the Januray edition of Chronicles. Check it out on newstands now.

--Sean Scallon

New years and old passings

May everyone have a blessed New Year. I'll hopefully be back to writing on a routine schedule starting in 2007 with my new piece "From Catholic to Orthodox, From Christian to Islam" on possible new trends in religious faith.

As a child of the 1970s, I should say something on the passing of Gerald Ford although too young at the time (I was four years old) to remember his presidency (political conciousness began with Jimmy Carter). It's interesting that his death comes at the end of this year for the party he represented clearly has changed. Ford was a Republican back when it was seen as northern political party. He represented Michigan's fith Congressional District, which is centered around Grand Rapids and is home to many conservative Dutch Calvinists. It's one of the few remaining traditional GOP districts in the north (most of these located in the Midwest). He shared their values of frugality and was always seen as a fiscal conservative. The maelstrom of the 1960s (there we go again, always the '60s) put Ford on the opposite side of many Republicans in terms of foreign policy and social policy. The Ford-Reagan contest for the GOP nomination in 1976 was fascinating (as all primary campaigns are fascinating) because it was a struggle between the new and old GOP. Ford held on, barely, because the old structures of the party held firm (and because many southern Goldwater Republicans who would have supported Reagan became ensconsed in the party during the Nixon Administration and stayed loyal to Ford, especially Mississsippi's Clarke Reed who's contested delegation made the difference at the '76 GOP Convention in Kansas City.)

Afterward Reagan was urged by National Review publisher Bill Rusher and others to form a third party to unite all the conservatives and run on his own but Reagan refused. "Bill, they can't stop me the next time," Reagan said. And he was right. He undertsood the political and demogrpahic trends that would, four years later, deliver him the nomination overwhelmingly. George Bush I tried to run on the old structures and was walloped.

But it's Ford that truly is the last northern Republican and not the Conneticut Yankee Bush. For Bush, behind the patrician facade, is as much a political animal as Bill Clinton, and all through his career he has changed and altered and shifted himself to fit the realties of the new GOP. That's how he became vice president, that's how he was nominated by the party for president, that's how he got elected President, that's how he was able to bequethe his political legacy to his sons. There's a reason why George II and Jeb were governors of Texas and Florida and not Massachucetts and Conneticut or Maine. That's why the Bushes live in Texas now. Ford at least, will be buried in his home in Michigan. A home he truly loved.

Reqieum im Pacem.

---Sean Scallon

Tuesday, December 19, 2006

My favorite dictator - The left loves Castro, the right loves Pinochet

would seem unusual, in a nation like ours that celebrates the tenants of democracy such as free speech, free association, free elections, and freedom to worship, that there should exist people who offer words of support if not downright love and admiration to anti-democratic leaders throughout the world.

We have a lot of dictator-lovers here in the U.S.

The recent death of former Chilean President Gen. Augusto Pinochet Ugarte has once again brought out the woodwork his supporters on the ideological spectrum, along with his opponents as well. And as this debate erupts, inevitably Cuban President Fidel Castro’s name gets dragged in as well, given that both men are polar opposites of each other.

So here we have groups of U.S. citizens, supposedly those lovers of democracy and the Founding Fathers and of Locke and Burke and Jefferson and Adams, lining up on the barricades arguing who was better (or worse), Castro or Pinochet.

Why are we even having this discussion?

It’s amazing that either man would even have such stout supporters whether in the Nation or the National Review. Both men sanctioned the killing of their political opponents. Both men oppressed their populations and destroyed free societies during the tenure of their rule (although Chile is back to being democratic after Pinochet was forced to step down in 1988 after a referendum) while Cuba continues to suffer under the Castros, Fidel and Raul. Both men used torture and terror in setting up their police states. Both stole and looted their nation’s wealth.

Both men broke a lot of eggs to get their omelets.

So why such support given that we’ve just fought a war to bring down a tyrant like Saddam Hussein and given the U.S. history of fighting tyranny across the globe? Why would anyone support dictators?

The reason, of course, is all ideological. The dictator, given that he can bend the country to his will at the snap of his fingertips, can get things done through rubber stamp congresses and parliaments that cannot be done so easily or quickly in the U.S.

Take free health care in Cuba. The U.S. still does not have universal health care while Cuba does thanks to Castro’s efforts. It may very well be lousy care without the latest in medical technology or drugs but at least it’s there.

Or with Chile, take Social Security. Chilean economists serving under Pinochet introduced a privatization plan to its old-age pension program similar to privatization schemes offered by conservatives in the U.S. Although one wonders whether Pinochet was more interested in economics compared to eliminating Communism in Chile. I think it’s safe to safe to say one took priority over the other.

So implementing such programs free of any compromises that would be a part of any democratic system through the normal legislative process, appeals to the ideologue because it allows he or she to say “See, such and such a program works.”

But this of course begs the question whether such programs really need such brute force in order to be established. Was free health care worth repression and show trials and neighbor spying on neighbor? Were better Social Security benefits worth electric shock torture by DINA to suspected leftists and communists?

Do the ends justify the means?

Obviously Castro’s predecessor Fulgenico Batista wasn’t a lot better when it came to protecting political freedoms than Castro and Pinochet’s predecessor Salvador Allende presided over a collapsing Marxist government that was turning Chile into a communist satellite. Both men were seen as saviors when they took power. Yet like all dictators given absolute power, they abused it frequently and fragrantly.

Why these men are given places of honor on their respective side of the political spectrum is beyond me. And yet, it’s nothing new. Leftists were enamored of murders and despots like Lenin, Mao, Stalin and (if you’re a neoconservative) Trotsky while there were Hitler and Mussolini supporters here in the U.S. and Franco had his fans too (although he was more of a Catholic authoritarian than a true Fascist.) Right-wingers have backed the Somoza dynasty and the Shah of Iran and even the Argentine junta. In fact, if you read the history of the Falklands War, there were some in the Reagan Administration who came close to supporting Argentina over traditional ally Great Britain because of such blinding ideology.

This is really a pointless discussion. To see U.S. citizens lend support to those who would violate our own traditions speaks almost to lack of faith in our form of government and Constitution. To see people get killed, imprisoned without trial or tortured just to see free health care established in another place in the world says that tyranny is okay so long as it has a point. But as history has taught us from the Jacobins on down through their successors, even such tyrants with a mission become corrupted by the power they bring into their own hands, even if it’s in the name of “humanity.” And ultimately such tyrants show themselves for what they are. Castro has turned a once dynamic society into a backwards ruin and Pinochet turned out be nothing more than thief, a kleptocrat like Mobutu stashing millions looted from the country into the Riggs Bank in Washington D.C.

U.S. citizens should forget these stupid discussions of “my favorite dictator” and opinion magazines should quit publishing them. For any real U.S. citizen, their attitudes towards dictators should the same as the motto the State of Virginia adopts.

Sic semper tyrannus

Thus always to tyrants.

--Sean Scallon

Constitution Party adds new member, Paynesville, Minn. mayor

The Constitution Party's new Veteran's Coalition is starting to catch fish and the first big catch is the mayor of the Minnesota town of Paynesville.

What this shows is that by targeting groups of voters by who they are rather than by ideology, parties build themselves. That's essence of Beating the Powers that Be.

Paynesville was the site of a sit in by Paul Wellstone in a bank to protest farm foreclosures during the 1980s. They also have a good wrestling program.

---Sean Scallon


CPMN Adds New Member - Mayor of Paynesville

For 25 years I served as an active duty, Army Reserve, and Minnesota National Guard soldier. That career included serving as a Military Intelligence battalion operations NCO, and stints as a First Sergeant in both the Army Reserve and Minnesota National Guard. Today I embark on a new mission.

I've been very active in "major" party politics for some time. My first experience, growing up in a DFL environment, was serving as a district and state delegate shortly after being old enough to vote. I also helped on individual campaigns, including such things as serving as county coordinator for a congressional candidate.

As I matured, which having to work for a living and enlisting in the Army can facilitate, my political leanings drifted to the right. Upon returning to civilian life back here in Minnesota, I became active in the Republican Party, serving in such positions as precinct chair, BPOU treasurer, BPOU co-chair, and district and state delegate.

I've also been involved in non-partisan politics and local government. I've served on the Paynesville city council since 1989. In 1996 I ran for, and was elected mayor, and have served in that position since. On November 7th I ran again and was elected to my sixth two-year term.

Above I referred to my so-called maturation. But as I've matured and gathered experience, I've come to understand that it is not I that has changed. What has changed is what our so-called "major" parties have become and have to offer. Like big-box super stores, they're willing to promise, say, or do anything to get our vote or contribution. We're the sweatshop workers toiling away for the benefit of others. We're the small business owners run out of town over political greed. Lobbyists, PACS, special interest groups, and party leaders make up the political boards of directors. I began to wonder if there was a political party at all that was a steady, principled party that had any values at all.

I've been studying the Constitution Party for some time, and have seen it as a very principled party, with a very strong and stable platform. But, I had been hesitant to take the plunge until learning of the new Veteran's Coalition. At last I've found a party that takes our country's veterans seriously and is not interested in using them as political pawns or cannon fodder in political battles.

For 25 years I served as an active duty, Army Reserve, and Minnesota National Guard soldier. That career included serving as a Military Intelligence battalion operations NCO, and stints as a First Sergeant in both the Army Reserve and Minnesota National Guard. Today I embark on a new mission.

Upon consultation with the Constitution Party of MN chairman, I hereby announce my service as the founding chairman for the CPMN chapter of the Constitution Party Veteran's Coalition. Please watch for details in the coming months as developments occur. With that, I just would like to say that I am delighted to be on board with the party of "conservative" principle here in Minnesota, and am looking forward to getting involved with the CPMN and Veteran's Coalition.

Tuesday, December 12, 2006

Instant runoff voting heading towards Minnesota

This editorial in support of instant runoff voting (IRV) appeared in the Timberjay Newspaper group online section of northern Minnesota (Ely, Cook, Tower, Orr, Soudan) and I got it of the Independence Party website. If there's a state where IRV can catch-on its right here with the state's usually strong non-major party system. Hopefully from the Twin Cities outward, IRV catches fire and spreads to the surround countryside as well if it works well.
Truly progress is being made.

---Sean Scallon


Time for better choices: the case for the Instant Runoff
By Marshall Helmberger

Why did Peter Hutchinson receive just six percent of the vote for Minnesota governor on Nov. 7? Certainly, it wasn’t for lack of qualifications. As former superintendent of the Minneapolis school district, you could argue he had already taken on the toughest administrative job in the state. He was well-spoken, actually answered questions during debates, and put forward the clearest policy positions of any of the three major party candidates in the race. And most of his ideas were good ones.
Almost everyone I spoke to about the campaign agreed that Hutchinson was the guy they really wanted to vote for. Yet very few of them did, because they feared it would elect the guy they liked least. And that’s what’s wrong with our electoral system.

In so many ways, we live in a society that glorifies the idea of choices. From cereal to soups to automobiles, we expect an almost endless number of options in our lives. If we were forced to choose between corn flakes or raisin bran for breakfast most of us wouldn’t be too happy about it. But when we walk into the voting booth, we hold our noses and vote for one of the two major parties, even when both candidates are less than appealing.

Why do we put up with it? Maybe we just don’t know there are alternatives to our current method of voting. In Minneapolis, residents found out there was another way to vote, and by a two-to-one margin, they opted on Nov. 7 to give it a try in future elections. Known as single transferable voting, it has become popularly-known as the instant runoff. The instant runoff ballot lists the candidates’ names as usual, but rather than just voting for one, it lets you rank your preferences. If your favorite candidate doesn’t get enough support, your vote is automatically transferred to your second choice. If your second choice doesn’t get enough backing, your vote goes to your next choice...and so on.

The advantages are several. For one, it ends the spoiler factor. We’ve all heard the arguments that Ralph Nader handed George W. Bush the election in 2000. Under instant runoff, Al Gore would probably be president today. And last week, the Associated Press examined exit polls in the Minnesota governor’s race and found that Peter Hutchinson did the same for Gov. Tim Pawlenty, since most Hutchinson voters would have settled for Mike Hatch had Hutchinson not been on the ballot.

If Minnesota had the instant runoff, those Hutchinson voters could have listed Hatch as their second choice, and their votes would have transferred to him if Hutchinson came in third in the initial tally. A second tally almost certainly would have given Hatch a majority of the vote, electing him as governor, rather than Pawlenty.

Such a system helps elect the candidate that’s acceptable to the most people— which makes it more democratic. As it is, a majority of Minnesotans expressed unhappiness with Gov. Pawlenty, by voting for somebody else. Yet Pawlenty gets another four years. It’s the third straight gubernatorial election in Minnesota in which the winner failed to obtain a majority of the vote. It really doesn’t make any sense.

But instant runoff could do much more than eliminate spoilers. It has the potential to open up our electoral process like never before. Under instant runoff, Minnesotans could have voted for a Peter Hutchinson or a Ken Pentel, or whoever, in the knowledge that doing so wouldn’t elect that guy they really didn’t want. Suddenly, voters can start to really listen to these other voices in the campaign and cast their votes based on their real preferences rather than their political calculations. You might find some of them getting elected, and you might find the two major parties having to finally begin to address the concerns of average voters.

The good news is that instant runoff may have a future in Minnesota. The overwhelming support of Minneapolis voters shows the idea is a politically popular one. And Mark Ritchie, our next Secretary of State, has indicated he wants to open up the political process, and has noted the instant runoff is one way to do that. State Rep. Tom Rukavina told me this week that he plans to introduce legislation allowing instant runoff in Minnesota. Hopefully, Ritchie, Rukavina, and the new DFL-dominated Legislature will take the Minneapolis results as a mandate for change. The voters are tired of just corn flakes or raisin bran. It’s time for real choices.

Tuesday, December 05, 2006

Book review by Clark Stooksbury in Chronicles

Here's the book review of Beating the Powers that Be that Clark Stooksbury did in the November issue of Chronicles magazine.

--- Sean Scallon


All Honorable Means
by Clark Stooksbury

Beating the Powers That Be
by Sean Scallon
Baltimore: Publish America; 203 pp., $19.95

The political culture of the United States is cramped and stunted by the narrow range of acceptable viewpoints and the utterly banal, subliterate tone of our political campaigns—to compare American elections to the marketing of soap is an insult to the people who sell soap. If, as Sean Scallon notes in Beating the Powers That Be, culture precedes politics, the state of American politics says nothing good about the state of American culture.

Beating the Powers That Be is, in part, a story of the constriction of the American political spectrum since World War II. Scallon describes three related political movements that began in the Upper Midwest in the first half of the 20th century: the Progressive Party in Wisconsin, the Farmer-Labor Party in Minnesota, and the Non-Partisan League in North Dakota. These organizations were representative of the far left in this country at a time when the left cared more for working people than about securing the civil rights of the transgendered.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Scallon begins his narrative with a remembrance of the late Sen. Paul Wellstone of Minnesota, the latest in a line of “Minnesota Mavericks” that include U.S. Rep. Charles Lindbergh, Sr., and Sen. Eugene McCarthy. Wellstone was a professor who wanted to make a difference. “He wanted to link academics with social activism the way professors did back during the Great Depression and the New Deal years of the 1930s . . . ” Wellstone entered politics and served two full terms in the U.S. Senate before his untimely death in a plane crash in October 2002, only days after courageously voting against the then wildly popular Iraq-war resolution.

The tradition that Wellstone represented began in 1918, when the Farmer-Labor Party was founded. (It later merged with Minnesota’s Democratic Party.) Unlike the fringe third parties we are used to today, Farmer-Labor was once powerful in Minnesota, winning elections for governor and senator. Scallon describes the factors that lay behind the alliance between farmers and laborers:


A farmer owns his land and pays taxes on it, no matter how small the plot. Holding onto that land and making a profit from it to provide for [his family] and pass [it] on to [them] is his primary concern. . . . He can be radical if ownership of his land is at stake and be quite conservative in order to use that land as he . . . sees fit. . . . Before World War II a laborer didn’t own much more than his or her labor power. A laborer can be conservative if that labor is perceived at stake . . . Or he . . . may turn radical if working conditions are so tough [that he feels he has] nothing left to lose.



Owing to the efforts of Floyd B. Olson and the suffering of the Great Depression, the Farmer-Labor Party dominated Minnesota in the 1930’s, but it couldn’t long survive the death in 1936 of then-governor Olson. Although the party still carries the name Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party, Scallon pronounces it dead as of November 5, 2002.


The election results declare that Minnesota has officially become suburbia just like everywhere else—and the Democrats will adjust accordingly. There are far more soccer moms and office-park dads in the land of 10,000 lakes than there are farmers, factory workers and the Scandinavian socialists who once formed the DFL’s backbone.



To Minnesota’s east lies Wisconsin, a state whose political culture is described by Scallon as “clean, high-minded and infused with a civic tradition and ethos.” Here, Robert La Follette, Sr., disgusted with corruption in the state Republican Party, became a progressive reformer, advocating regulation of banks, railroads, and insurance companies. A very successful politician, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives before serving as governor and senator from Wisconsin. In 1912, his first presidential campaign was done in by another progressive Republican—Teddy Roosevelt:


[W]hat both men thought progressivism was began to diverge by 1912. To LaFollette, it was a movement of political reform and social justice. Inequities in the great transition from farm to factory and the corruption it spawned would be straightened out . . . [M]ore so than just being from the East, Roosevelt’s views resonated with those who weren’t just interested in anti-trust legislation or removing some hack politician from a county commission for corruption. [His progressivism] was about changing the nature of man itself so [he] would no longer accept bribes or be so greedy. It led to beliefs that man could be made perfect or progress from his primal urges and lusts.



As David Frum says, “War is a great clarifier.” La Follette distinguished himself from Roosevelt by opposing America’s entry into World War I, for which he was called a traitor by the New York Times. Robert La Follette, Jr., succeeded his father in the Senate—both as a Republican and, later, as a representative of the Progressive Party—and opposed Franklin Roosevelt’s committing the country to World War II.

After the New Deal and World War II, there was little room in America for the kind of movement that Scallon describes. As the federal government grew, taking over many of the functions of the states, Cold War conformity narrowed the scope of acceptable opinion. On occasion, broad discontent with the status quo bubbled up in the form of presidential campaigns by such candidates as George Wallace and Ross Perot, but Scallon notes a more interesting phenomenon occurring in political movements at lower levels of government. He focuses on three such movements—two in the New England states of Vermont and New Hampshire and a regional movement in the South, where the League of the South seeks to promote the “independence of the South ‘by all honorable means.’” I remain somewhat skeptical of the prospects for success of this last enterprise. Nothing about the quality of political leaders that the South has produced in the last few years, including our sitting president and his immediate predecessor, inspires my confidence (as a Tennessean) in a Southern regime. Decentralization of our monstrously overgrown federal government, however, remains an excellent idea, while dissolution of the Union should be a legitimate topic of discussion, not a hate crime.

Accordingly, Scallon profiles the Second Vermont Republic, an organization dedicated to keeping the Green Mountain State from becoming a giant Wal-Mart-McDonald’s-big-box strip mall and reestablishing it as the independent republic it was from 1777 to 1791. And, next door, the Free State Project is working to encourage at least 20,000 libertarian ideologues to move to New Hampshire for the purpose of taking over the state’s political system. While the thought of an invasion by libertarians may be frightening, the free marketeers are, in fact, relatively harmless. If the Free State Project succeeds in making any change more substantive than requiring Granite State high-schoolers to suffer through Atlas Shrugged—including all 60 pages of John Galt’s speech—I’ll be surprised.

Clark Stooksbury writes from Knoxville, Tennessee. This article first appeared in the November 2006 issue of Chronicles: A Magazine of American Culture.

Never Give Up Your Rights!

This article commes from Doug Newman.

---Sean Scallon.

A recent column on World Net Daily, Robert Ringer states that “In order to preserve freedom, some freedoms must be restricted.” Although I have heard similar things God knows how many times since 9/11, this particular column got my dander up. I guess it is because it so neatly summarizes the panic mentality that has come over so many Americans in the last five years.

Ringer says he wishes things were otherwise, but in a world gone mad he believes that surrendering freedom in order to preserve freedom is a “reality.” Orwellian Doublethink doesn't get much more straightforward than this.

Ringer wrote this in response to the recent removal of six Muslim imams from a US Airways flight before it departed Minneapolis for Phoenix. According to the AP report, “Witnesses said the men prayed in the terminal and made critical comments about the Iraq war, according to the police report, and a US Airways manager said three of the men had only one-way tickets and no checked baggage.”

US Airways, as a private entity, has every right to exclude anyone from flying and to “profile” whomever it pleases without asking permission. What is disturbing is that so many people to want the FEDGOV to do this profiling and to institutionalize it throughout society. They thereby sacrifice their liberty for the illusion of security. Ben Franklin was right: those who do this deserve neither liberty nor security.

Let us examine Ringer’s column in terms of the events of 9/11, and of freedom attacked and freedom lost. (1)

First of all, freedom was not attacked on 9/11. America was attacked. In spite of the massive death and devastation, those 19 Islamopsychopaths did not infringe what was left of our freedom. This idea that Osama bin Laden is going to take over America and have us all speaking Arabic and praying to Mecca five times a day is absurd. Bin Laden holds no office, commands no armies and has perhaps a few thousand followers. He has not even taken over Afghanistan, so he is no threat to take over America or the world.

Second of all, 9/11 would not have happened had we not already relinquished one of our most fundamental freedom, i.e. the God-given, constitutionally guaranteed “right of the people to keep and bear arms.” (Italics mine.) This right had already been infringed aboard airplanes for decades.

Ringer writes: “In all fairness, I must say that I believe most free-speech and civil-rights advocates are well meaning – well-meaning, but naive. Sorry, but when someone points a gun at you and says he's going to kill you, you don't have time to engage in an intellectual dialog about free speech and civil rights. The first order of business is to kill the guy with the gun in his hand.”

On that horrible morning of 9/11, the passengers and crew of those four jets were unable to defend themselves when the Islamopsychopaths whipped out their box cutters and went to work. (Oh sure, some brave souls on Flight 93 fought back, but not until after the terrorists had commandeered the plane.) If the first order of business is to kill the guy who wants to kill you, the 9/11 passengers were denied that ability.

I have heard it said by those who would take away our civil liberties in the name of fighting terrorism “your civil liberties don’t matter when you’re dead” and that “3000 people lost their civil liberties on 9/11”. To this I say: 9/11 would not have happened had air passengers and crew members not been forced to sacrifice the civil liberty to bust a cap on the guy who has a gun or a box cutter or whatever pointed at you and has announced that he wants to kill you.

Since 9/11, there has been endless dialog about confronting terrorism. Almost all of it points to taking away even more freedom. We now have the Patriot Act, warrantless spying, the Military Commissions Act of 2006, and the hideously intrusive TSA grope-and-grab airport searches. (Can anyone think of just one actual terrorist that TSA has apprehended?)

And if you implicitly trust our current president with such sweeping power as he now has, let me ask you something. Would you have so trusted the last president? And would you trust a future president from the last president's party, especially if she were married to the previous president?

Who would ever have thought that, in "the land of the free", we would have “security crackdowns” and that federal flunkies would be splitting hairs over the size of toothpaste tubes that people can carry on with their luggage?

We would not be having any of these conversations – and September 11, 2001 would have been just another day – had we not succumbed to the absurd notion that we must surrender or God-given rights when we board airplanes. We turned airplanes into gun-free zones and we got 9/11. (We turned schools into gun-free zones and we got Columbine and numerous other tragedies.)

The moral of the story is never give up your rights! Whenever you surrender your rights, bad things happen. And when bad things happen, there is always someone smiling from ear to ear asking you to give up even more of your rights.

Those who will take your freedom always purport to have the best of intentions. However, it is your duty as a citizen to beware of wolves in sheep’s clothing. Especially if they are with the FEDGOV.

What will you do when your government assumes unlimited power? (Isn’t this the kind of government we are supposedly fighting against in this War on Terror?) What rights will you have then?

The prospect of an out-of-control, all-powerful FEDGOV is far more frightening than terrorists. The enemy within can do far more damage than the enemy without. And this is why you must never give up your rights!

Thoughts of a young paleo

In attending my first-ever meeting of the John Randolph Club in October, I noticed a definite set of younger paleos (conservatives, populists, libertarians, liberals, whatever you attach to the prefix) like myself in their 20s, 30s and even 40s distinct from the older paleos who had helped to originate the movement some 20 years ago.

I wonder if such paleos came to the movement the way I did. Despite living only 30 miles away, I had no idea the Rockford, Ill. Institute even existed, let alone know of the existence of Chronicles magazine while growing up in Beloit, Wisconsin. The first time I heard either mentioned at all was in the hit piece done on them by David Frum in his book Dead Right which came out in 1993. It wasn’t until 1997 that I picked up my first edition of Chronicles at the newsstand section of my local bookstore in Shawano, Wisconsin where I was working at the time. The reason I so identified with the paleo movement after reading Chronicles was the fact that while I considered myself nominally a conservative, those who were the dominant conservatives in the 1990s as pundits, political leaders and talk show hosts were repugnant to me. Maybe it was my Midwestern humility, but I never was able to identify with a right so filled with smart asses and arrogant jerks. They were simply mirrors of their leftist counterparts.

When I found out that the writers and editors of Chronicles felt the same way, I knew I had found a home for my then still formulating beliefs. I also realized that what I was reading was far different than any other opinion magazine I had read up until then. It gave a context to conservative thought that was more important than writing about the next election or the latest up and coming politician. Other magazines dealt with politics and policy, Chronicles dealt with what makes politics and policy and that is culture. I will also add the fact I lived and worked in small farming towns since graduating from college also added to Chronicles’ appeal because it is written from the point of view of such communities rather than the point of view of the coasts.

Being young and presumably the future what paleo movement will be brings about its own set of challenges that I’ve thought a lot about since the JRC meeting and in reading many opinion pieces about the future of conservatism in general (or lack thereof) in various publications. Such thoughts are what I am turning into text:

1). I may be old enough to have lived without the internet, but unlike older paleocons, not old enough to have lived without television, or at least in the case of Aaron Wolf, have someone in the family keep the set off. I may be speaking for myself, but the sad fact is younger paleocons, especially those who haven’t been homeschooled or have more than one TV set in the house, are going to be touched by modernity like it or not. We are simply too far gone not to have it tinge our thinking or outlook in some way. Now that doesn’t mean we’re watching Entertainment Tonight with great interest, but it does mean we are quite aware of the culture we are in right now and have been shaped by it even in the smallest of ways and simply cannot just give up what we’ve liked in the past or forget what we’ve seen or heard even though we read Chronicles now. It may very well be that Bono and his bandmates are pretentious hypocrites in social activism like a lot of celebrities (being Irish tax cheats for example) but I have always liked their music.

It would not bother me in the least if in the future the Rockford Institute board made a rule that any future editor of Chronicles be home schooled in the Classics. I would support it wholeheartedly if only to preserve the character of the magazine because it will be difficult for those coming out of the current educational system to have the same kind of education as the older paleocons have had. The tough standards in many fields are gone, they’ve become completely politicized, and it’s much easier to get through school today since educators are more concerned with handing out diplomas through the assembly line so kids can have their golden ticket into the middle class in order to pay off their debts. The whole point of founding the Rockford Institute 30 years ago, as founder John Howard told the JRC banquet audience, was to counterbalance the trends within society and culture that were taking place in the aftermath of the 1960s that made it difficult for Rockford College to fulfill its mission in educating young minds. Does anyone not believe the situation is far worse now than it was back then?

When the older paleocons are gone and the younger ones move into their place, it will undoubtedly change the way movement thinks of itself.

2). The culture wars are coming to a close. The Rockford Institute was founded just as those wars were underway and paleoconservatism itself is a reaction to those wars within the larger culture and within conservatism itself.
Since many of those cultural struggles took place on college campuses, let us compare those same campuses back then when my parents went to school at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and to the era when I went to college at the UW (and my brother and sister too because they are four years older and younger than I am respectively).

When my parents were in school, social activism and protesting were the “in” things to do at that time. When I went to school? The biggest crowds were for sporting events. A good protest when I went to school would have drawn 3,000-5,000 people down State St. or in Library Mall. That number would have been considered paltry back in the 1960s and the idea that sports would be the most important social event on campus would have been preposterous (especially when the football and basketball teams at UW back then were lousy to mediocre and few cared about them). The biggest crowds for anything political when I was school were a candidate rallies for Jerry Brown and Bill Clinton. That hardly compares to Dow Day, The Black Strike, the GE Strike and the Kent State-Cambodia protests.

The late UW history professor George Mosse once said that despite all the turmoil on campus (including the bombing of Sterling Hall) he truly missed the students of the ‘60s because their interests were a lot broader than where the coolest house party will be on a Saturday night which meant they were probably more attentive in class. In many ways, college has become an extension of high school only without the parents around. Where parties and sporting events take precedent over intellectual aspirations and where a college diploma now, as a high school diploma was back then, is a ticket to the middle class. Everyone is simply waiting to get into the job market.

So the passions that once animated baby boomers as students that they carried with them through adulthood will pass as they grow old and die. My generation (X if you want to call it that although nobody asked me) and I would say the generation afterwards has no passions. If all we’re focused on is personal wealth creation, who has time for passions? The debates that engaged my fellow poli sci students were along Democratic-Republican lines, not over grand ideas or changing the world. The College Republicans and Democrats are organizations whose main focus is basically teaching youngsters how to become dirty politicians and as job placement firms for activists in Washington or the local state capital.

If there is one main ethos to my generation’s politics it’s live and let live. We’ve never been interested in telling others to “Be like us or else!” I think as the cultural wars fade into history, it will be important for younger paleos to shift the locus of the movement from such wars to decentralization. As Bill Kaufman said: “Let Utah be Utah and let San Francisco be San Francisco!” Most of my generation would not have a problem with that and think as the U.S. empire eventually falls apart as all empires eventually do, the aftermath politically and socially will be towards developing thousands of Little Americas, each communities set up by like-minded people. This will especially be true if immigration patterns do not change at all in the next 50 years. The nationalist/localist divide that I perceive within paleoconservatism will be settled by the movement of one’s feet.

A good example of this took place in my home state of Wisconsin this past election. Conservatives wanted to add a measure banning homosexual marriage into the state constitution. Republicans made sure this got on the ballot in the hopes of ginning up turnout in their favor. Instead, it backfired. While the measure passed comfortably, many Republicans in the state legislature, especially those in districts with college towns, lost their seats because of a backlash of younger voters against them. Again, the live and let live ethos speaks for itself.

3). What are we creating for future generations? Chilton Williamson Jr. nailed it during a column in a recent issue of Chronicles. What are we, as young paleocons, writing or creating that is relevant, new or long lasting? If all we are doing is just blogging or writing internet columns, heck that’s what Jonah Goldberg does too everyday. What does it say when National Review Online is more relevant to so-called conservatives than National Review the magazine?

Austin Bramwell also put it well in his recent American Conservative article:

“Whatever its past accomplishments, the conservative movement no longer kindles any “ironic points of light.” It has produced fewer outstanding books even as it has taken over more of the intellectual and political landscape. This trend will only continue. Worse, no reckoning will be made: they hope in vain who expect conservatives to take responsibility for the actual consequences of their actions. Conservatives have no use for the ethic of responsibility; they seek only to “see to it that the flame of pure intention is not quelched.” The movement remains a fine place to make a career, but for wisdom one must look elsewhere.”

I recently went to a Borders book store to buy a DVD for my father’s birthday and was just amazed at the number of books in the politics section. The problem was, for all the quantity of books out there, the quality is just utter crap. Most are either ghost-written screeds from talk-show hosts or pundits, self-serving biographies or short-term political party strategy books.

My next two books will be works of fiction and hopefully find a broader audience than my first book and hopefully better myself as a writer. We don’t always need to write non-fiction to get our point across. C.S. Lewis and J.R.R. Tolkien made their point quite well with fiction and the rest of the world thought so too. There’s nothing better in writing than a good story and if we can’t tell them then we’ll be truly lost in modernity.

4). There is a movement out there. I read a story in a newspaper recently about a small town in rural Virginia that’s trying to use what has to sell itself as a place live rather than sell out to the god of progress and try to lure some big industry to town with basket full of tax breaks or build big box stores over cornfields. That’s important because it shows that resistence to globalization isn’t just confined to leftist college towns. One can find it all across the country in the rural areas of the Midwest, West, South and New England or what remains of cohesive neighborhoods in large cities.

Rod Dreher hit upon this with his book Crunchy Cons. Now I think Dreher should be sued for plagerism because much of what he’s written about comes right out the pages of Chronicles itself but I’m sure TRI is content to know its work has not been done in isolation. What thiis shows is that there is a large pool of tradition-minded, local-minded, patroon-like people out there caught in between the squeeze of multiculturalism, globalism, the mammon worshippers and the neoconservatives. This is why we’ve rejected the conservative movement, because it wasn’t about conserving anything anymore and because we couldn’t figure out which side of the “fusionist” coalation its victories were due to. Not to mention the fact its promoters are some of the most repulsive, annoying and stupid people on earth.
A Georgia farmer can call himself a conservative like his neighbors do, but if he willingly takes his peanut-subsidy from Feds, what good is his conservatism? For many its simply a standard of tribal loyalty they’ve really give little thought to other than they know who they are and who the “other” isn’t as Bramwell also points out:

“Conservatism is entertaining. Understanding the world, though rewarding, provides nothing like the pleasures of a “Two Minute Hate,” a focused, ritualized denunciation of enemies. To induce its own Two Minute Hates, conservatism, like Ingsoc in 1984, manufactures bogeymen such as “judicial activists,” “so-called realists,” or “moral relativists” that become symbolic representations of detested outsiders. Meanwhile, like the Inner Party in 1984, conservative leaders tolerate the more vulgar, angry purveyors of ideology—think talk-show hosts or authors of bestselling political books. The most vicious attacks, meanwhile, are reserved for turncoats, like Goldstein in 1984. (Of course, as many paleoconservatives could attest, the hatred is usually mutual.) Rooting for conservative ideology is as engrossing to its partisans as rooting for the local football team is to its fans.
The roots of ideology lie deep in our cognitive limitations and instinct for group loyalty. One could make similar observations of any ideology. The most distinguishing feature of conservatism is its misleading name. Lexically, “conservatism” denotes caution, prudence, and resistance to change. Conservatism the ideology, however, has if anything tended towards recklessness. “Nuke ‘em!” has always been a popular conservative sentiment, never more so than today with respect to the Muslim world. For frantic boast and foolish word / Thy mercy on thy people Lord!


No movement can exist without ideas, likeminded people and a place where they all come together. Certainly the original conservative movement could not have existed without a book like Witness and a place like Southern California. With TRI and other institutions we can create the ideas, with magazines like Chronicles and the American Conservative and a book like The Politics of Human Nature along with a few leaders we can find and bring together the likeminded people and with decentralization we can create the places where it all comes together.

--Sean Scallon